My Opinion of Obama

My wife and I watched President Obama’s State of the Union address this evening.  We chose PBS because we felt it would have the least amount of inane commentary on the speech.  We wanted to be free to engage in our own inane commentary.  Such as, do the president and vice-president confer on who will wear the red tie and who will wear the blue?  You know they have to talk about these things.  It was a good speech, I thought.  The ending with the SEAL team flag was powerful imagery.

I supported Obama in ’08.  His voice was reassuring during the debates with McCain.  With the economy in free fall, that was a scary time.  On his record, I approve his attempt to move the US toward universal health care.  Access to quality medical care is so important.  I was discouraged, though, when he rejected the oil pipeline from Canada to Texas.  That is a lost (or delayed) chance to put thousands of men and women to work building it, helping families have breadwinners again.  My feelings on other things he has done are similarly mixed, but my opinion of him is generally positive.

After reading Dreams From My Father, I understand better what motivates President Obama.  With a few reservations, I am still inclined to support him again in the fall.  He will be the most experienced candidate running, and he will remain a counterweight to conservatives in Congress.  As a political agnostic, I am fine with divided government.

‘If you get the little things right’

President Obama’s toasting flub has generated a lot of chatter.  Here the BBC reflects on the roots of royal protocol:

When meeting a royal, there are rules about who can speak first, where to look, what to call them, how you should stand and when you should sit. It is a mysterious business to the uninitiated.

But it stems from a time when monarchs were accorded an almost divine status and had to be treated accordingly.

Even though royal protocols have been relaxed, there still is a rationale for the practices:

Mr Hanson [William Hansen, a protocol expert] sees a deeper importance behind the principles of etiquette.

If you get the little things right, all the other things fall into place. It’s about respect and deference in society, and that is what we’re lacking.”

If you get the little things right.  Manners matter.

Dreams from My Father

Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, by Barack Obama (1995, 2004).

Barack Obama tells his life story in three parts.  Part 1 covers his years growing up in Hawaii, Indonesia, and Hawaii again, ending with his move to the US mainland for college.  Part 2 looks at his three years as a community organizer in Chicago.  Part 3 recounts his trip to Kenya right before he entered law school.  An epilogue brings the story up to his marriage to Michelle.  He first published the book in 1995 when he was in his early 30s.

The book is a classic quest narrative of a young man searching for answers to three questions.  Who am I?  What shall I do?  What do I believe?

The Quest for Identity.  The son of a white American mother and a black African father is a complicated identity.  In the early chapters he is with his mother and her family, and in the latter chapters he connects with his father’s family and memory in Africa.  The circle closes when he is able to see his father’s and grandfather’s graves in Kenya and weep there.  He only met his father once while growing up, and like many young men, he struggled to understand himself in the absence of a father.  Also, he had to orient himself as a black man in a world run by whites.  His quest for identity had different layers to it.

The Quest for Vocation.  His most significant accomplishment in three years as a community organizer in Chicago was to get the city to deal with asbestos in the public housing projects.  He took a bus load of poor residents to the downtown office of the public housing director to protest the asbestos, and the media attention forced the authorities to act.  If only ‘the squeaky wheel gets the grease,’ then the role of a community organizer is to help the poor to squeak.  The vocation Barack Obama settled on was helping poor blacks find their voice and their power so they could better their lives.  He left Chicago to attend law school so that he could help them in more effective ways.

The Quest for Faith.  His fundamental faith is in the politics of black liberation.  This is his bedrock belief and commitment.  It took him years to find a religious faith that would support this.  He had religious training in Indonesia in a Catholic school and a Muslim school, but neither made an impression.  It was only much later, working with black ministers in Chicago, that he began to see the importance of black spirituality.  One minister, Jeremiah Wright, helped Barack Obama find a spiritual home at Trinity United Church of Christ, where he and Michelle would later be married.

This book held two surprises for me.  One was the recurring anger against whites and the white community — surprising because it’s a theme he avoids in his public persona now.  This sentiment wasn’t part of my perception of him till I read this memoir.  The second surprise was how much he smoked.  Often in the story he lights up a cigarette.  (He is smoke free now.)

Barack Obama is an eloquent writer.  I cannot imagine myself writing a book with this depth and power.  I commend this book for the insights it gives a reader into the life and motivations of our 44th President.

‘An Instrument of His Will’

The President speaks of his faith at the National Prayer Breakfast:

On Thursday, Obama spoke of the value of prayer, saying, “Let me tell you, these past two years, they have deepened my faith.” He talked of the daily meditations he receives from Joshua DuBois, head of his faith-based initiatives office, the occasional visits from pastors to pray with him in the Oval Office, and the “respite and fellowship” of the chapel at Camp David.

“When I wake in the morning, I wait on the Lord, and I ask him to give me the strength to do right by our country and its people,” he said. “And when I go to bed at night, I wait on the Lord, and I ask him to forgive me my sins and look after my family and the American people and make me an instrument of his will.”

Second SOTU

Here is a video of President Obama’s second State of the Union Address last night:

And for a comparison, here is the text of Thomas Jefferson’s second SOTU message:

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

When we assemble together, fellow citizens, to consider the state of our beloved country, our just attentions are first drawn to those pleasing circumstances which mark the goodness of that Being from whose favor they flow and the large measure of thankfulness we owe for His bounty. Another year has come around, and finds us still blessed with peace and friendship abroad; law, order, and religion at home; good affection and harmony with our Indian neighbors; our burthens lightened, yet our income sufficient for the public wants, and the produce of the year great beyond example. These, fellow citizens, are the circumstances under which we meet, and we remark with special satisfaction those which under the smiles of Providence result from the skill, industry, and order of our citizens, managing their own affairs in their own way and for their own use, unembarrassed by too much regulation, unoppressed by fiscal exactions.

On the restoration of peace in Europe that portion of the general carrying trade which had fallen to our share during the war was abridged by the returning competition of the belligerent powers. This was to be expected, and was just. But in addition we find in some parts of Europe monopolizing discriminations, which in the form of duties tend effectually to prohibit the carrying thither our own produce in our own vessels. From existing amities and a spirit of justice it is hoped that friendly discussion will produce a fair and adequate reciprocity. but should false calculations of interest defeat our hope, it rests with the Legislature to decide whether they will meet inequalities abroad with countervailing inequalities at home, or provide for the evil in any other way.

It is with satisfaction I lay before you an act of the British Parliamant anticipating this subject so far as to authorize a mutual abolition of the duties and countervailing duties permitted under the treaty of 1794. It shows on their part a spirit of justice and friendly accommodation which it is our duty and our interest to cultivate with all nations. Whether this would produce a due equality in the navigation between the two countries is a subject for your consideration.

Another circumstances which claims attention as directly affecting the very source of our navigation is the defect or the evasion of the law providing for the return of sea men, and particularly of those belonging to vessels sold abroad. Numbers of them, discharged in foreign ports, have been thrown on the hands of our consuls, who, to rescue them from the dangers into which their distresses might plunge them and save them to their country, have found it necessary in some cases to return them at the public charge.

The cession of the Spanish Province of Louisiana to France, which took place in the course of the late war, will, if carried into effect, make a change in the aspect of our foreign relations which will doubtless have just weight in any deliberations of the Legislature connected with that subject.

There was reason not long since to apprehend that the warfare in which we were engaged with Tripoli might be taken up by some other of the Barbary Powers. A reenforcement, therefore, was immediately ordered to the vessels already there. Subsequent information, however, has removed these apprehensions for the present. To secure our commerce in that sea with the smallest force competent, we have supposed it best to watch strictly the harbor of Tripoli. Still, however, the shallowness of their coast and the want of smaller vessels on our part has permitted some cruisers to escape unobserved, and to one of these an American vessel unfortunately fell prey. The captain, one American sea man, and two others of color remain prisoners with them unless exchanged under an agreement formerly made with the Bashaw, to whom, on the faith of that, some of his captive subjects had been restored.

The convention with the State of Georgia has been ratified by their legislature, and a repurchase from the Creeks has been consequently made of a part of the Talasscee country. In this purchase has been also comprehended a part of the lands within the fork of Oconee and Oakmulgee rivers. The particulars of the contract will be laid before Congress so soon as they shall be in a state for communication.

In order to remove every ground of difference possible with our Indian neighbors, I have proceeded in the work of settling with them and marking the boundaries between us. That with the Choctaw Nation is fixed in one part and will be through the whole within a short time. The country to which their title had been extinguished before the Revolution is sufficient to receive a very respectable population, which Congress will probably see the expediency of encouraging so soon as the limits shall be declared. We are to view this position as an outpost of the United States, surrounded by strong neighbors and distant from its support; and how far that monopoly which prevents population should here be guarded against and actual habitation made a condition of the continuance of title will be for your consideration. A prompt settlement, too, of all existing rights and claims within this territory presents itself as a preliminary operation.

In that part of the Indiana Territory which includes Vincennes the lines settled with the neighboring tribes fix the extinction of their title at a breadth of 24 leagues from east to west and about the same length parallel with and including the Wabash. They have also ceded a tract of 4 miles square, including the salt springs near the mouth of that river.

In the Department of Finance it is with pleasure I inform you, that the receipts of external duties for the last 12 months have exceeded those of any former year, and that the ration of increase has been also greater than usual. This has enabled us to answer all the regular exigencies of Government, to pay from the Treasury within 1 year upward of $8M, principal and interest, of the public debt, exclusive of upward of $1M paid by the sale of bank stock, and making in the whole a reduction of nearly $5.5M of principal, and to have now in the Treasury $4.5M which are in a course of application to the further discharge of debt and current demands. Experience, too, so far, authorizes us to believe, if no extraordinary event supervenes, and the expenses which will be actually incurred shall not be greater than were contemplated by Congress at their last session, that we shall not be disappointed in the expectations then formed. But nevertheless, as the effect of peace on the amount of duties is not yet fully ascertained, it is the more necessary to practice every useful economy and to incur no expense which may be avoided without prejudice.

The collection of the internal taxes having been completed in some of the States, the officers employed in it are of course out of commission. In others they will be so shortly. But in a few, where the arrangements for the direct tax had been retarded, it will be some time before the system is closed. It has not yet been thought necessary to employ the agent authorized by an act of the last session for transacting business in Europe relative to debts and loans. Nor have we used the power confided by the same act of prolonging the foreign debt by reloans, and of redeeming instead thereof an equal sum of the domestic debt. Should, however, the difficulties of remittance on so large a scale render it necessary at any time, the power shall be executed and the money thus employed abroad shall, in conformity with that law, be faithfully applied here in an equivalent extinction of domestic debt.

When effects so salutary result from the plans you have already sanctioned; when merely by avoiding false objects of expense we are able, without a direct tax, without internal taxes, and without borrowing to make large and effectual payments toward the discharge of our public debt and the emancipation of our posterity from that mortal canker, it is an encouragement, fellow citizens, of the highest order to proceed as we have begun in substituting economy for taxation, and in pursuing what is useful for a nation placed as we are, rather than what is practiced by others under different circumstances. And when so ever we are destined to meet events which shall call forth all the energies of our country-men, we have the firmest reliance on those energies and the comfort of leaving for calls like these the extraordinary resources of loans and internal taxes. In the mean time, by payments of the principal of our debt, we are liberating annually portions of the external taxes and forming from them a growing fund still further to lessen the necessity of recurring to extraordinary resources.

The usual account of receipts and expenditures for the last year, with an estimate of the expenses of the ensuing one, will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury.

No change being deemed necessary in our military establishment, an estimate of its expenses for the ensuing year on its present footing, as also of the sums to be employed in fortifications and other objects within that department, has been prepared by the Secretary of War, and will make a part of the general estimates which will be presented you.

Considering that our regular troops are employed for local purposes, and that the militia is our general reliance for great and sudden emergencies, you will doubtless think this institution worthy of a review, and give it those improvements of which you find it susceptible.

Estimates for the Naval Department, prepared by the Secretary of the Navy, for another year will in like manner be communicated with the general estimates. A small force in the Mediterranean will still be necessary to restrain the Tripoline cruisers, and the uncertain tenure of peace with some other of the Barbary Powers may eventually require that force to be augmented. The necessity of procuring some smaller vessels for that service will raise the estimate, but the difference in their maintenance will soon make it a measure of economy.

Presuming it will be deemed expedient to expend annually a convenient sum toward providing the naval defense which our situation may require, I can not but recommend that the first appropriations for that purpose may go to the saving what we already possess. No cares, no attentions, can preserve vessels from rapid decay which lie in water and exposed to the sun. These decays require great and constant repairs, and will consume, if continued, a great portion of the moneys destined to naval purposes. To avoid this waste of our resources it is proposed to add to our navy-yard here a dock within which our present vessels may be laid up dry and under cover from the sun. Under these circumstances experience proves that works of wood will remain scarcely at all affected by time. The great abundance of running water which this situation possesses, at heights far above the level of the tide, if employed as is practiced for lock navigation, furnishes the means for raising and laying up our vessels on a dry and sheltered bed. And should the measure be found useful here, similar depositories for laying up as well as for building and repairing vessels may hereafter be undertaken at other navy-yards offering the same means. The plans and estimates of the work, prepared by a person of skill and experience, will be presented to you without delay, and from this it will be seen that scarcely more than has been the cost of 1 vessel is necessary to save the whole, and that the annual sum to be employed toward its completion may be adapted to the views of the Legislature as to naval expenditure.

* To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises;
* to foster our fisheries as nurseries of navigation and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances;
* to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burthens;
* to keep in all things within the pale of our constitutional powers, and cherish the federal union as the only rock of safety – these, fellow citizens, are the land-marks by which we are to guide ourselves in all proceedings.

By continuing to make these the rule of our action we shall endear to our country-men the true principles of their Constitution and promote an union of sentiment and of action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety. On my part, you may count on a cordial concurrence in every measure for the public good and on all the information I possess which may enable you to discharge to advantage the high functions with which you are invested by your country.
TH. JEFFERSON

A President’s Philosophy

Harvard historian James Kloppenberg has been studying President Obama’s philosophy:

To Mr. Kloppenberg the philosophy that has guided President Obama most consistently is pragmatism, a uniquely American system of thought developed at the end of the 19th century by William James, John Dewey and Charles Sanders Peirce…

Pragmatism maintains that people are constantly devising and updating ideas to navigate the world in which they live; it embraces open-minded experimentation and continuing debate. “It is a philosophy for skeptics, not true believers,” Mr. Kloppenberg said.

Which may explain why true believers are unhappy now.

Read the article here.

ADDED:  Ann Althouse rebuts.

Should There Be a National Day of Prayer?

A US District Court judge in Wisconsin says the National Day of Prayer violates the Constitution.  Judge Barbara Crabb is urging President Obama not to issue a proclamation designating the first Thursday of May a national day of prayer.  Her ruling runs to 66 pages.  From the excerpts in the article above, she is careful to affirm religion itself — she is only concerned with what she regards as an unlawful state sponsorship of religion.

I see no harm in a national day of prayer.  The First Amendment’s line about the establishment of religion was designed to prevent our national legislature from establishing a state church — Anglicanism, for example.  If there were a legal requirement that people must offer prayers on May 6, 2010, then I’d see a problem.  But designating a day for prayer, I have no objection to this.  I also see a potential benefit.  When is prayerful dependence on God ever a bad thing?

Last year’s proclamation included this paragraph:

Let us also use this day to come together in a moment of peace and goodwill. Our world grows smaller by the day, and our varied beliefs can bring us together to feed the hungry and comfort the afflicted; to make peace where there is strife; and to lift up those who have fallen on hard times. As we observe this day of prayer, we remember the one law that binds all great religions together: the Golden Rule, and its call to love one another; to understand one another; and to treat with dignity and respect those with whom we share a brief moment on this Earth.

There is nothing dangerous in a president saying such things.

_____

ADDED:  On the other side of the issue, Debra Dean Murphy offers five reasons why a national day of prayer is a bad idea.

A Defense of Violence

This section from President Obama’s Nobel Acceptance speech has gotten much attention:

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations – acting individually or in concert – will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago – “Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King’s life’s work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak -nothing passive – nothing naïve – in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

The rest of the speech merits attention.  His approach is thoughtful — realistic, reasonable and idealistic.  Probably too idealistic in places.  The speech set well with me, but apparently not so with others.

10 Reasons I Should Win the Next Nobel Peace Prize

Dear Nobel Committee,

I am submitting myself for the next Nobel Peace Prize.  Since achievement is no longer a requirement for receiving an award, I feel my qualifications are more than sufficient for consideration:

1.  I have a quiet, irenic personality.

2.  People tell me I have a calming presence.

3.  I scored a 9 on the Enneagram — the peacemaker.

4.  I fired a gun only once, and it scared me.

5.  My favorite color is deep blue.

6.  I voted for President Barack Obama.

7.  I voted for Jennifer Granholm, the Michigan governor, who could be president if not for the whole Canada thing.

8.  I love the peacefulness of trees.

9.  I have read War and PEACE.

10.  I have a new kitten. 

There are many worthy applicants, I am sure, so I’ll understand if you give the next prize to someone else.  In that event, please consider my blog for the literature prize.

Sincerely,

Chris Brundage

Gates and Crowley

I followed the Gates–Crowley–Obama story as we drove through Maryland and North Carolina on vacation.  The radio and newspapers kept us up on the latest acts in the drama.  When we returned home, the front page of the paper showed the three men and Joe Biden at a table drinking beer. 

My experiences lead me to respect police and give them the benefit of the doubt, but people in the black community look at this differently, and I’ve reflected on their stories in recent days.  It’s also good to see things from a police officer’s perspective.  These things appear differently depending on where you sit.

The best commentary I’ve found comes from Mark Sappenfield at the Christian Science Monitor.  He shows sympathy for both sides.

Gates was reacting to the historical tendency for law enforcement to racially profile minorities – to suspect them of wrongdoing simply because of their skin color. Gates might justifiably have thought there was something strange about arresting a prominent Harvard scholar on his own front porch.

Crowley might wonder why the routine matter of asking for ID should brand him as a racist. That area of Cambridge had seen a spike in daytime break-ins recently. Was it too much to ask for a little civility and cooperation for an officer doing his job?

Sappenfield also noted how Obama himself overreacted at first.  The President certainly lost ground with me, an independent white voter, with his ‘acted stupidly’ comment, but he gained some of it back when he ‘calibrated his words’ differently.

These matters are powerful because they tap deep emotions and long memories.  When a race issue rises, America slips into an old dance — the Black Grievance & White Guilt Two Step.  In the white community, some people mimimize racial injustice while others magnify it and see all whites as racists — neither approach speaks for me.

The news says Gates and Crowley will continue their conversation.  Life has linked them — like Huck and Jim thrown together on the raft by circumstance.  I’m curious where the current will take them.